| Ethnic
Issues in the Politics of Burma: A Karen Perspective
Burma
is a country where several ethnic nationalities have been living
in adjacent for centuries. All major ethnic nationalities in Burma
have their own languages, cultures and traditions that can distinguish
them from one another. However, the political rights* of those people
have been denied by the ruling Burmese governments. Instead of recognizing
the country's diverse ethnic reality and political sensitivity of
various ethnic issues, successive Burmese governments have tried
to eliminate ethnic movements mainly by means of military offensives.
Since
Independence, not only have the concerns of ethnic nationalities
never been addressed, but political, cultural and educational rights
of ethnic people have been systematically denied. It is true that
some ethnic individuals had achieved high positions of government
a few years since independence. But ever since Gen. Ne Win took
power in 1962 through a military coup, Burma had been ruled by a
centralized political system instituted by Burma Socialist Programme
Party (BSPP). Top leadership positions in civil services, armed
forces and the state administration held by minorities were disproportionately
replaced by majority Burman nationals. After the 1947 constitution
was dissolved, in 1974, the BSPP adopted a new constitution in which
no specification was stated regarding ethnic representation in the
government. Instead of leaders duly elected by their people, only
a few ethnic leaders were hand-picked by the Burman leadership to
symbolize ethnic representation in the BSPP government. Hence, those
handful of selected ethnic leaders acted only at the desire of the
central government rather than as representatives of their own ethnic
nationalities.
I
would call such method as "select and rule,"which is still
being used by current ruling military regime, the State Law and
Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Except for annual folk dance
and costume parades on traditional holidays recognized by the government,
most ethnic cultures are being eliminated. In the so-called "Union"
of Burma, only Burmese language is recognized as the medium of education;
none of the ethnic languages is allowed to be taught at schools
or allowed to be used at any level of administration. Consequently,
ethnic nationality schoolchildren and the young generation are growing
up without knowing their own cultures or speaking their own languages.
In this way, social and cultural domination has been effectively
taking place in Burma today. After all, the "Union" that
the SLORC claims, means nothing or makes no sense to the ethnic
nationalities. This is one of the most sensitive political issues
facing Burma and all her inhabitants, and not only must we discuss
openly about it, but all of us must enthusiastically strive to resolve
it.
According
to the SLORC, at least fifteen ethnic armed organizations have entered
cease-fire agreements with them. SLORC thinks that those cease-fire
agreements will legitimize its holding onto power. However, beneath
the surface of cease-fire agreements between SLORC and fifteen different
ethnic nationalities lie a deeper reality of human rights violations
and of ethnic annihilation campaign in Burma today. I would like
to urge the international community to think about this: who among
us will be willing to fight against an army with 500, 000 troops,
if the so-called "peace" that is being offered to us could
be considered a genuine one? When the SLORC launched massive offensives
"against the KNU" this year, villages were burned, many
young women were raped and many Karen villagers including children,
women and elders were arbitrarily tortured and killed by the SLORC
soldiers. As a result, hundreds and thousands of Karen villagers
have fled their villages to the Thai-Burmese border where they hope
to find a temporary safe place. While they are afraid of SLORC brutality,
those refugees choose to stay in the border refugee camps with a
possibility of being forced to return by the Thai authorities. The
question is who would know the SLORC's mentality and brutish character
more than these refugees do? More than a hundred thousand Karen
refugees remained suspicious of SLORC and are fear to return to
Burma. Politically naive as they may be, their painful experiencees
have taught them severe lessons. How can someone whose village was
burned, whose father was brutally murdered and whose sister was
repeatedly raped by the SLORC soldiers easily learn to "trust?"
How can the Karen leadership ignore the plight of these refugees
when they talk with the SLORC? If these people cannot have peace,
who will? In one case, a young Karen soldier asked: who could solve
the painful dilemma of a young Karen girl who was allowed by SLORC
soldiers to choose whether she be raped passively and live or be
killed instantly at gun point? The SLORC must bear the responsibility
to answer all these questions. Actually, in Burma, peace is not
merely the absence of battles; it is something that must be achieved
by all the people of Burma regardless of their ethnic backgrounds
and creeds. For the time being, SLORC seems to be winning the battles,
but not the peace. One thing we have to keep in mind, so long as
the ethnic annihilation campaign continues, the spirit of revolution
will remain strong in the minds of millions of Karen people.
Towards A Genuine Union of Burma
Among
all the ethnic nationalities, the Karen is known as the largest
group with an estimated 7 millions population. The Karen have learned
their lesson from their experiences throughout the history and especially
from the World War II that as a nation, unless we have a state of
our own, we will never be able to experience a life of peace and
decency, and never be free from persecution and oppression. After
Burma gained her independence from the British, it has been extremely
difficult for the ethnic nationalities and the Burman, with some
diametrically opposite views, outlooks, attitudes and mentalities,
to yoke together peacefully. However, differences in nature and
mentality are not the main reasons for the Karen's refusal to throw
in their lot with the Burman. There is more important reason, that
is, to have the state of our own within a genuine Federal Union.
The
Karen resistance movement is more than just a struggle for survival
against national oppression, subjugation, exploitation and domination
of the Karen people by the Burmese rulers. It has the aim of a genuine
Federal Union comprised of all the states of the nationalities on
the basis of equality and self-determination. Burma is a multi-national
country, inhabited also by the Kachin, Karenni, Chin, Lahu, Mon,
Pa-O, Palaugng, Shan, and Wa, etc. All these ethnic nationalities
in Burma have taken up arms to fight against the Burmese Government
for their own self-determination. The consolidated National Democratic
Front (NDF) has resolved to form a genuine Federal Union,[again,]
comprised of all the states of the nationalities in Burma, including
a Burman state, on the basis of liberty, equality and social progress.
The ethnic nationalities, more than ever, are determined to fight
until victory is achieved, and request the people of all classes
and all walks of life to join hands and fight against the military
dictatorship. As we all know, in late 1988, the Karen National Union
took the initiative in proposing that the NDF form a broader political
front along with the newly formed Burman organizations to meet the
developing political situation. The other members agreed, and the
Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) was formed, including all the
members of the NDF as well as organizations such as the All Burma
Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) and the All Burma Young Monks'
Union (ABYMU). This really marks the first time that the people
of all races, even the Burmans, are united in trying to throw off
the yoke of an oppressive Burmese military regime.
In Relation to the National League for Democracy (NLD) and Burma
Ethnic
nationalities of Burma ardently support the people's movement led
by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of the NLD for democracy and the dismantling
of the military dictatorship. Just as Daw Suu revealed her belief
with regard to the Karen's struggle: "the plight of our Karen
refugees should appeal to the compassion of all right-thinking people
all over the world…," she also called on all the nations
and all ethnic nationalities to join hands in solving the problems.
I have no doubt that the ethnic conflicts in Burma can be peacefully
and smoothly solved by having face-to-face dialogues, as clearly
stated by the NLD:
1)
Frankness, sincerity and mutual respect;
2)
National reconciliation;
3)
Practice of peaceful means; and
4)
General harmony without hard feelings are essential policies which
must be observed.
As
genuine peace is the most essential to all the people of Burma,
we do look forward to the courageous and candid cooperation of our
fellow Burmans along the way of our struggle. The conflicts we have
between us, the Burmans and the ethnic nationalities, has never
been personal hatred, and we are responsible never to let it become
one. The end of the military regime must be the end of all wars
against the ethnic nationalities and their struggle for freedom.
We cannot afford to have war after war as governments change. We
must make sure that when we say peace in the future Burma, it means
peace for all her inhabitants.
Thank
you.
This
paper was presented by Naw May Oo at the Free Burma Conference '97
held at the University of California, Los Angeles on October 4-6,
1997.
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